Small Ray of Hope?

Yesterday afternoon, on the way to an interpretation assignment in a residential neighborhood in suburban Rockville, MD, walking from the bus stop to the house, I passed two giant piles of household goods tossed willy-nilly out on the sidewalk, whether from homeowner or renter evictions, I don’t know. What was obvious was that each family’s life had been completely disrupted and all they had invested in over the years was likely to be lost: shoes, clothes, toys, furniture, photographs, books, dishes—everything scattered and exposed to weather and theft. It was very poignant. For a moment, I was tempted to take a toy for my great-grandson, but stopped, reasoning that the families might be able to commandeer help in recovering some of their belongings. Such evictions have the impact of a natural disaster, but are so unnecessary and benefit no one. There must be a better way.

Meanwhile, Honduras remains in a standoff, but now with a slight glimmer of hope. Zelaya asked for a meeting with Hillary Clinton and they met this afternoon, after which she announced that Costa Rica’s Oscar Arias would try to mediate between Zelaya and interim president Micheletti, both of whom have now agreed to speak with him. That’s progress. I suspect that Micheletti welcomes a chance to explain his side of the story, which no one has been willing to listen to until now. Arias is the ideal mediator, as he is from Central America, speaks Spanish, knows the parties, and has the reputation of helping settle even much more serious disputes associated with Central America’s civil wars of the 1980s. But this is a tough one and it's hard to imagine a result acceptable to both sides.

I met Arias more than once during the 1980s, the first time in Grecia, near San Jose, Costa Rica. At the inauguration of a local swimming pool, he donned trunks and dove right in, swimming the whole length without coming up for air. When he emerged, dripping wet, he smiled broadly and vigorously shook my hand. I always liked and trusted him after that.

It would be a feather in Obama’s cap if the current imbroglio could be resolved peacefully, within the cooperative framework he’s laid out for his administration, but it won’t be easy. Obama realizes that his administration cannot buck the opinion of most Latin American leaders, especially since he has pledged to work with them on a partnership basis, and, I believe, both Zelaya and his opponents realize the value of keeping the US as an ally. In fact, the economic survival of Honduras depends on it. They must know that and should both be willing to modify their positions for the good of the population as a whole.

I’ve heard reports that pro-Zelaya crowds have been swelled with Venezuelans, not a welcome development. At the same time, so far, the Honduran military has failed to heed Zelaya’s call to obey him as commander-in-chief. And the US would not want to directly challenge the military, not only because that would be counterproductive to all concerned, but because the US owes a debt to the Honduran military for cooperating with the “war on drugs” and, most of all, for having sent troops to Iraq when few other countries in the region were doing so. However, as the article below from the Spanish-language version of the Miami Herald points out, no other deposed Latin American leader has been restored except Aristide after his ouster and then only with a military intervention led by the United States. Even so, Aristide did not last in power. The article suggests that Zelaya may continue to be recognized by the world as the rightful president of Honduras, but without actually returning there.

It does seem that his return would provoke more violence and threaten his own life, so he may have to be content with being an internationally recognized president-in-absentia. And while international loan funds to Honduras have been suspended—a serious problem—nonetheless, despite threats, no individual country has suspended aid or trade, according to the Herald article, except Venezuela, which has cut off oil shipments. However, today, it was announced that the US has suspended all non-humanitarian aid.

No one has told me yet whether PCVs are being evacuated or just sitting tight. I also wonder about volunteers with the Japanese Peace Corps.

Both Slate online and Miami Herald articles follow below. Barbara


Everyone's Wrong About Honduras
Reinstating deposed President Manuel Zelaya would be a disaster.

By Dan Rosenheck, (Slate)
Updated Sunday, July 5, 2009, at 10:40 AM ET

TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras—Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez and President Barack Obama make for strange bedfellows, but the two men have found an unlikely common cause in Manuel Zelaya. A mustachioed rancher with a signature Stetson hat, Zelaya was toppled from Honduras' presidency on June 28 in Latin America's first successful military coup since the Cold War. His ouster has prompted a virtually unprecedented outbreak of consensus in the hemisphere, with every leader in the Americas demanding Zelaya's immediate reinstatement. There's just one problem with this uncharacteristic eruption of regional harmony: It's likely to move Honduras even further away from the re-establishment of constitutional order that the international community claims to desire.

While the army's ultimate decision to whisk Zelaya out of the country was indeed an illegal coup, the deposed president bears full responsibility for plunging Honduras into the constitutional crisis that led to his extrajudicial removal from office. In the 2005 election, he ran as a centrist law-and-order candidate and won by just four percentage points.* To solidify his relatively weak mandate, he handed out generous salary increases to teachers and raised the minimum wage. This blew a hole in the budget; scared off the International Monetary Fund, which had previously made loans to Honduras; and forced Zelaya to turn to Hugo Chávez, Latin America's pre-eminent sugar daddy, for financing.

Chávez's price was that Honduras join his Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (recently rechristened the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas), an anti-U.S. political trade bloc. The move stunned Honduras, a fiercely conservative nation that has traditionally been a staunch U.S. ally. Zelaya, whose term ends in January 2010, further alienated voters by floating plans for a constituent assembly, a new constitutional convention that would enable him to remove the country's inconvenient ban on presidential re-election. The current Honduran Constitution makes no provision for such a mechanism and explicitly states that its one-term limit can never be amended.

Zelaya's call for a poll asking Hondurans whether a formal vote should be held on staging a constituent assembly was ruled illegal by the nation's supreme court. The president went ahead anyway, ordering the army to distribute ballots. When Gen. Romeo Vásquez Velásquez, the head of the Honduran military, refused, Zelaya fired him; the supreme court then reinstated Gen. Vásquez and ordered the ballots confiscated. Finally, Zelaya himself led a group of supporters to an air force base to recover the ballots. This blatant disregard of judicial orders led the supreme court to issue a warrant for his arrest.

In virtually every other country in the world, Zelaya would have been removed from office. But, peculiarly, the Honduran Constitution does not include an impeachment procedure—Congress is entitled to name a new president only in the absence of the current one. So, rather than bringing Zelaya before a judge to be tried for his criminal misbehavior, the army rousted him out of bed and flew him off to Costa Rica in his pajamas. The legislature then voted to replace him with Roberto Micheletti, the head of Congress, who was next in the line of succession.

There is no doubt that this last move should not be allowed to stand. But the international community's single-minded insistence that Zelaya be reinstated as soon as possible—ignoring his own campaign to undermine constitutional order—is likely to backfire. Zelaya's behavior has left him every bit as isolated within his country as Micheletti is outside of it. The entire Honduran political establishment, including virtually every member of Congress, the courts, the military, and the business community, is dead-set against his return. And while the opinion of the population as a whole is tougher to measure—no one has taken a poll in the last week—the deck seems stacked against him. His approval rating was a mere 30 percent even before this episode began, and the demonstrations against him have been larger and more numerous than those in favor (although a strong military presence has surely caused many Zelaya supporters to stay home).

The region's leaders, who seem blind to these realities, have not budged from their campaign to shove Zelaya back down Honduras' throat. In fact, José Miguel Insulza, the secretary-general of the Organization of American States, along with the left-leaning presidents of Ecuador and Argentina, has volunteered to personally accompany Zelaya on his return to Honduras, as a "diplomatic shield" against his (entirely legitimate) arrest.

This has prompted a dangerous surge of reactionary, jingoistic nationalism in Honduras. The media are awash with accusations of "infiltration" by "Communist" agents from Nicaragua and Venezuela, and Micheletti's backers feel the country's sovereignty is being trampled on. "Neither Chávez nor Obama should interfere with our country," said Rosario del Carmen, a government employee at an anti-Zelaya rally in Tegucigalpa's central square. "We already had a dictatorship in the '80s, and Zelaya was making another one."

By backing the Micheletti administration into a corner, the region's leaders are forcing it to take a defiant posture. Rather than allowing itself to be kicked out of the OAS, the new government pre-emptively withdrew from the organization on Saturday. The OAS "is a political organization, not a court," Micheletti wrote in a letter to Insulza, "and it can't judge us." The harder the international community pushes for Zelaya's reinstatement, the more determined plucky Hondurans will be to prevent it—and to make it impossible for him to govern if he does return to office.

None of this means foreign governments should accept the coup and recognize Micheletti as president. But rather than framing the issue as a contest of wills, Insulza needs to recognize that Zelaya had sacrificed most of his political support and legitimacy in the weeks leading up to the coup and aim to engineer a negotiated solution. That means talking to Micheletti (which he refused to do on a visit to Tegucigalpa), offering Zelaya the option either to resign or to stand trial in Honduras, and probably a call for swift new elections. The generals who gave the order to deport Zelaya should also be tried.

Finally, to make sure this situation never happens again, any deal should also include the introduction of an impeachment mechanism into the Honduran political system. Zelaya was right that the country needed constitutional change—just not the one he was advocating.

Dan Rosenheck is the Economist's bureau chief for Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean.
Article URL: http://www.slate.com/id/2222241/





Publicado el lunes, 07.06.09 Miami Herald en espanol
•
Obama juega papel de equilibrista en drama hondureño
Por NESTOR IKEDA
Associated Press
WASHINGTON -- El presidente Barack Obama, quien ha prometido a los gobernantes del Hemisferio Occidental diálogo en igualdad de condiciones y soluciones diplomáticas a las controversias, al parecer está mostrando un papel inédito frente al golpe militar en Honduras: el de equilibrista.
En su intento de desoír las opiniones de que está tomando parte con el depuesto presidente Manuel Zelaya, miembro de la corriente populista antiestadounidense en Latinoamérica, al mismo tiempo Obama está tratando de no adoptar medidas unilaterales que pudieran tumbarlo de la cima de popularidad que goza en la mayoría de países de la región.
Obama prometió en la Cumbre de las Américas en Trinidad y Tobago en abril que quería ser considerado como un socio que no imponía nada, un marcado desvío del unilateralismo que caracterizó a su antecesor, George W. Bush. Esa política, según analistas independientes, está ahora sometida a su prueba de fuego con Honduras, donde jefes militares derrocaron a Zelaya hace menos de dos semanas expatriándolo en pijamas. El alegato para el golpe: acciones inconstitucionales para gobernar, incluyendo un intento de reformar la constitución que le permitiera reelegirse, pese a la inminencia de las elecciones presidenciales en noviembre y los pronunciamientos contrarios de la judicatura.
La congresista republicana Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, miembro del Comité de Relaciones Internacionales de la Cámara de Representantes, ha escrito a Obama pidiéndole tácitamente apoyo para Roberto Micheletti, designado presidente por el Congreso en reemplazo de Zelaya. Ros-Lehtinen ha dicho que Obama, si hace lo contrario, actuaría sobre la base de "información fragmentada" de las cuestionables acciones de Zelaya.
Obama ha reaccionado con cautela. Dijo que la forma en que Zelaya fue destituido "no fue legal" y que su gobierno continuaría trabajando con los demás países para restituir el orden democrático a través de organismos internacionales, como la OEA y Naciones Unidas, que ya censuraron el golpe.
"Esta es una situación que requiere de una considerable discreción", dijo Cristopher Sabatini, director de política del Consejo de las Américas en Nueva York. "Nos hemos quejado con frecuencia de la diplomacia obstructiva, de retórica, del gobierno de Bush, y creo que lo que estamos viendo ahora es que Estados Unidos está tratando quietamente de ejercer su poder y autoridad moral".
Estados Unidos es el destino de prácticamente la mitad del comercio internacional de Honduras, tiene un programa de donaciones de 215 millones de dólares en ayuda humanitaria a través de la Cuenta del Milenio y es socio en un acuerdo de libre comercio con Centroamérica. Todo lo que tendría que hacer es cortar esos canales y aislar más a Micheletti.
Pero Washington también ha tenido en en los militares hondureños aliados poderosos en el pasado, especialmente durante la Guerra Fría. Y en su acción de cautela ante los golpistas, no parecía estar solo. Dos días después de la decisión de la OEA de suspender las obligaciones de Honduras en la organización y pedir a sus miembros que analicen la posibilidad de adoptar otras acciones bilaterales contra ese país, ninguno de los 32 miembros que ahora tiene la OEA ha procedido más allá de lo esperable.
"Zelaya puede seguir siendo el presidente legítimo de Honduras y víctima de un golpe militar", dijo Michael Shifter, subdirector del Diálogo Interamericano. "Pero será difícil que retorne a su país".
En realidad ningún presidente depuesto ha sido retornado al cargo por presión internacional. Jean Bertrand Aristide regresó a su cargo en Haití en 1994 después de su derrocamiento en 1991, solamente con una invasión militar encabezada por Estados Unidos. Según Shifter, la suspensión de Honduras acordada por la OEA parecía una medida "muy drástica y precipitada" que incitaba al gobierno interino de Honduras a aferrarse más al poder.
"Qué hacer con Zelaya sigue siendo un punto críticamente clave de cualquier negociación", dijo a la AP. "Por razones de principio y simbolismo, pareciera bueno para él retornar, pero las preocupaciones de posible intranquilidad en Honduras tienen también que ser tomadas en cuenta".
El canciller brasileño Celso Amorim discrepa. Cree que las acciones de la OEA, más las del Banco Mundial y Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo, de suspender los créditos a Honduras y congelar sus actuales programas de más de 400 millones de dólares en total, difícilmente serán resistidas por el gobierno de Micheletti. "Sin esa ayuda económica y sin petróleo este régimen golpista no va a durar mucho", dijo a reporteros en París, donde está de visita oficial.
La forma en que Obama ha tomado las manifestaciones violentas en favor de Zelaya en Honduras preocupa igualmente a Mark Weisbrot, codirector del Centro para la Investigación Económica y Política (Center for Economic and Policy Research). "El gobierno de Obama ha permanecido en silencio frente a la violenta represión en Honduras, incluyendo los disparos de militares y la muerte de manifestantes desarmados y la censura de la prensa", dijo. "Este silencio ha ayudado al gobierno golpista a ver una prolongada expectativa de vida".
Durante el debate de la OEA el sábado 4 de julio, día de la independencia de Estados Unidos, la delegación estadounidense mantuvo un perfil discreto y su intervención fue más bien protocolar. Pero el vicecanciller canadiense Peter Kent repitió lo que ha estado diciendo en días previos sobre los hechos en Honduras, al insinuar indirectamente que Zelaya no era tampoco un santo. Si bien el golpe era en sí "una afrenta" para la región, donde hasta el 28 de junio todos los países excepto Cuba tenían gobiernos elegidos en libertad, existía también "un contexto en el cual ocurrieron los acontecimientos" que no debiera ser ignorado, dijo.

Monday Morning

Hello again. My daughter Stephanie, visiting from Hawaii, was in and out like a whirlwind, with a short but very full and active schedule. Yesterday afternoon, my granddaughter Natasha and her little son came over and helped Steph make inroads into my very overgrown yard, plants and weeds proliferating because of all the rain we’ve had. Stephanie was then off to New York, to join her husband in helping move and unpack his parents in their new home. They had to move when her husband’s paternal grandmother died and they could no longer afford to live in her rent-controlled apartment in NYC,

Meanwhile, in Honduras, things seem to change daily, even hourly. As my Cuban friend has commented, this is becoming a farce. Yes, indeed, Gabriel Garcia Marquez could not have invented a more absurd scenario. I’m sure that July 4th celebrations in Honduras, if any, were low-key, no big US Embassy bash where all the government functionaries are invited, no outdoor festivities such as those described in my book. I cannot help remembering a big outdoor party I attended at the Embassy in Managua prior to the vote that the Sandinistas lost. There they all were, Ortega and company mingling, drinks in hand, chatting among the ambassadors of many nations, confidently toasting victory.

Thanks for the blog comment by ikaros, reportedly Honduran-born, saying that he or she appreciates my neutrality on the Zelaya matter. The truth is, I really don’t have a strong opinion—I am just exploring and trying to make sense of an unfolding story. Like many such contentious political issues, there are valid arguments on both sides. What’s troubling is that there is no spirit of negotiation visible on either side, only standing fast and even a deliberate escalation of tensions. I would think the cardinal could try to mediate, though possibly he already has. From press reports, it sounds like Canada has offered to play a conciliatory role and, indeed, someone from Canada might prove an ideal mediator, that country being less involved with Honduras and less polarizing than either the US or other Latin American nations. But what could be a compromise position, one where neither side could claim victory and defeat of the other? It’s hard to think of anything, but that’s what is needed.

When I heard that Zelaya was arriving in Teguc Sunday in a Venezuelan aircraft with a leftist UN escort and, in a separate flight, being accompanied by sympathetic presidents of other Latin American countries (but not Chavez, thank goodness), I feared the worst. Unfortunately, no members of his own party with any official standing are in his corner; they consider him a traitor, who has brought embarrassment and unjust condemnation to Honduras, so he must be flanked only by outsiders. He also called upon his supporters inside the country to meet him at the airport. It’s fine to request a (peaceful) show of support and the foreign officials could help protect Zelaya’s safety, but it would be helpful if his escorts would come in a more conciliatory spirit, rather than as partisans, making threats and ordering the interim or acting government to take him back unconditionally—after all, they are not Hondurans and have no legal standing to govern Honduras.

The acting government and a substantial portion of Honduras feel they are being unfairly attacked by the entire world, ganged up on, being told what to do, and threatened if they fail to comply. No one will listen to their side of the story, which they feel has been misrepresented and completely misunderstood. The whole issue they’ve had with Zelaya is that he has become a captive of Hugo Chavez and his allies and is acting against Honduran interests for his own glory and to further the Chavez agenda. Now he is demonstrating just that by traveling with and aligning himself with Chavez and his sympathizers. In my opinion, if he really wanted to come back to and help Honduras, he should have sought out more neutral supporters and tried to reassure Hondurans that he is independent, not a Chavez pawn.

And Zelaya’s asking his own supporters to come out en masse was irresponsible, in my humble opinion. It was also a signal to protestors on the other side to come out as well, making clashes inevitable. The situation needs to be de-escalated, not revved up. Maybe Zelaya can actually return in safety eventually, probably not to govern as before, but to finish out his term, but he needs to take a less confrontational approach and shed some of his aggressively partisan foreign advisers and protectors.

Via long-distance, Zelaya also appealed to the armed forces to rebel against the interim government and follow his orders as the legitimate president. So far, that hasn’t happened. I wish I were in communication with my village volunteer Blanca’s army sons, one an officer and one a presidential palace guard. Of course, they probably wouldn’t give me their thinking even if we were in touch. Zelaya is a wealthy rancher from Olancho, the home province of a Honduran environmental activist whom I helped get asylum here. When Zelaya lived there, he was considered an enemy of their movement; now my Honduran friend is not sure whom to support.

* * * * * * *

Well, my worst fears were realized later in the day when Zelaya’s Venezuelan plane was not allowed to land and had to turn back. Meanwhile, clashes occurred and someone has now been reported killed and several have been injured. What I have seen firsthand in prior Honduran demonstrations is that guys not necessarily interested in a particular issue, apparent anarchists and criminals, take advantage of disorder to sow more mayhem and violence and that’s probably happening now. If the police or army inevitably intervenes, that provokes cries of “police state” and “military dictatorship.” Some Hondurans have been calling for UN peace keepers.

Someone here, when I said Venezuela had been providing Honduras with subsidized oil and energy-efficient light bulbs, asked why the US was not providing more to Honduras—doing something visible like that? Well, of course, dollar for dollar, the US provides a whole lot more aid to Honduras and has for years, although now it’s gotten so it’s expected and has become so integrated into every sector on a cooperative basis that it’s taken for granted. And of the assistance being provided, the Peace Corps is a small, but significant, part. Yet, I must admit that for more than eight years, Latin America, Honduras included, has been relatively neglected by the US as our nation has been focused on the Middle East, Afghanistan, and North Korea, allowing a self-aggrandizing leader like Chavez to expand his influence in the vacuum created, especially when the price of oil was rising.

I just received a surprise call from the mother of Sandra, a girl living in a remote rural area near La Esperanza (her photos are in my book). This subsistence-farmer family with six children has no electricity or running water, but does have a cell phone and my phone number. I was distressed that Sandra’s mother was using her very scarce cash to call me here in Washington, DC, and I could barely hear her. She thanked me for sending money so that Sandra could have a second surgery—as mentioned previously on this blog, since her leg tumor had returned, as I had discovered during my Honduras trip last Feb. I asked her briefly about Zelaya and she said, “He is the elected president, so he should finish his term.” She also seemed to be asking for more money, but I’m not sure, as there was interference on the line. I asked her what sort of tumor Sandra had had, but at that moment, the call was cut off, either because her paid minutes had run out or the battery had died (and I don’t have their number). I sent an e-mail immediately to Luis, to see if he could get in touch with her. I also asked him about Peace Corps volunteers and what was happening to them, as I have not heard from him for days, although, at least initially, he was against Zelaya.

Now, I’m getting the feeling, though e-mails from Hondurans are fewer, that ordinary people on both sides, while excited and energized at first, are getting weary of the ongoing strife and are ready to settle and get the whole problem under control, even at the cost of “principle.” This stance will gain more adherents as the economy worsens under sanctions. The November elections are a few months away and Honduras is already on an economic edge, so the margin for survival is slight. .

Below, are recent press reports.

Zelaya's plane circles Honduran runway, can't land
By WILL WEISSERT and NESTOR IKEDA
Associated Press
Sunday, July 5, 2009 7:43 PM

TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras -- Ousted President Manuel Zelaya says he can't land at the main Honduras airport because soldiers are blocking the runway with several military vehicles. The pilot of his Venezuelan plane circled around the airport and decided that landing is "totally impossible" because of the trucks in the way. Groups of police and soldiers also are stationed around the runway and the perimeter of the airfield, facing off against thousands of Zelaya supporters outside.

Zelaya says he'll announce later where they'll land. A crew of the Venezuelan network Telesur is on the plane. He told them Sunday that the pilots won't risk a crash, and vowed to try again on Monday or Tuesday.

AP's earlier story is below.
TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras (AP) - Ousted President Manuel Zelaya appealed to the Honduran military to return its loyalty to him as he prepared to land in the capital Sunday, facing warrants for his arrest by security forces defending the airport against a crowd of thousands. Speaking live from the Venezuelan plane carrying him back to Tegucigalpa, Zelaya said he was just minutes away from landing in his high-stakes attempt to return to power. He asked that soldiers return their allegiance to him, "in the name of God, in the name of the people, and in the name of justice."

But the politicians who ousted him aren't backing down, and violence broke out among the huge crowd surrounding the airport, with at least one person killed so far. The man was shot in the head by gunfire from inside the airport as people tried to break through a security fence, according to an Associated Press photographer at the scene.

Security forces fired warning shots and tear gas, and some Zelaya supporters threw rocks and set a fire. A van tore through the crowd, with someone shouting to make way for the wounded. A spokesman said the Red Cross was treating about 30 people for injuries, including a woman who had been stabbed.

"I am the commander of the armed forces, elected by the people, and I ask the armed forces to comply with the order to open the airport so that there is no problem in landing and embracing with my people," Zelaya told Venezuela's Telesur network while en route. "Today I feel like I have sufficient spiritual strength, blessed with the blood of Christ, to be able to arrive there and raise the crucifix." Interim President Roberto Micheletti refused to withdraw his order to prevent the plane from landing, and said he would not negotiate with anyone until "things return to normal." "We will be here until the country calms down," Micheletti told a news conference. "We are the authentic representatives of the people."

Honduras' civil aviation director said Zelaya's plane had been ordered not to enter Honduran air space. Police helicopters hovered over the airport. Commercial flights were canceled, and private planes were met by armed police. Micheletti also alleged that Nicaragua is moving troops to their border in an attempt at psychological intimidation, and warned them not to cross into Honduras, "because we're ready to defend our border." Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega called the allegation "totally false."

Zelaya won wide international support after his military ouster a week ago, but the only prominent escort aboard his plane was the U.N. General Assembly president after Latin American leaders backed out, citing security concerns. Washington advised him against flying back, fearing it would make a peaceful resolution more difficult. At least three other planes left the Washington area separately, carrying Latin American presidents, the secretary-general of the Organization of American States and journalists. They were trailing Zelaya to see what happens in the skies over Honduras before deciding where to land.

Flying with Zelaya were close advisers and staff, two journalists from the Venezuela-based network Telesur, and U.N. General Assembly President Miguel D'Escoto Brockmann, a leftist Nicaraguan priest and former foreign minister who personally condemned Zelaya's ouster as a coup d'etat. With their safety not guaranteed, Ecuadorean President Rafael Correa pleaded with the Honduran military forces to avoid bloodshed. "If there is violence the whole world must clearly know who is responsible," he said.

If Zelaya's plane is allowed to land, the others will land as well, Correa said. If not, Correa, the presidents of Paraguay and Argentina and Jose Miguel Insulza, the secretary-general of the Organization of American States, planned to land in El Salvador. Honduras' new government has vowed to arrest Zelaya for 18 alleged criminal acts including treason and failing to implement more than 80 laws approved by Congress since taking office in 2006.

Despite a Supreme Court ruling, Zelaya had also pressed ahead with a referendum on whether to hold an assembly to consider changing the constitution. Critics feared he might press to extend his rule and cement presidential power in ways similar to his ally Hugo Chavez in Venezuela. But instead of prosecuting him or trying to defeat his referendum idea at the ballot box, other Honduran leaders sent masked soldiers to fly Zelaya out of the country at gunpoint.

The military solution prompted condemnation at the United Nations and the OAS suspended Honduras in response. Many called it a huge step back for democracy, and no nation has recognized the new government. President Barack Obama has united with Chavez and conservative Alvaro Uribe in criticism. Without OAS membership, the isolated interim government faces trade sanctions and the loss of hundreds of millions of dollars in subsidized oil, aid and loans.

Micheletti's vice foreign minister, Martha Lorena Alvarado, said the interim government sent the OAS a letter expressing "willingness to conduct conversations in good faith." In Washington, senior Obama administration officials took that as a positive sign.

Speaking on condition of anonymity under ground rules set by the State Department, the officials said the United States and other OAS member countries are coordinating contacts and outreach to facilitate a resolution, despite their insistence on having no formal relations with the interim government.

The immediate concern, however, was avoiding more bloodshed. The poor Central American country's Roman Catholic archbishop and its human rights commissioner urged Zelaya to stay away.

"We have to defend our rights in a way that is personal but peaceful. Against the bayonets, we must put forth our conscience and our patriotism," Zelaya said as Venezuelan pilots flew him toward home. The protests turned violent despite efforts by their leaders to keep things peaceful. "We have no pistols or arms, just our principles," organizer Rafael Alegria said. "We have the legitimate right to fight for the defense of democracy and to restore President Zelaya."

Large crowds of Zelaya's critics also have staged daily demonstrations to back Micheletti, who was named by congress to finish the remaining six months of Zelaya's term.

Zelaya has drawn most of his support from the working and middle classes of this impoverished nation, while his opponents are based in the ranks of the well-to-do, although the increasingly leftist approach of the wealthy rancher had eroded his popular support.
------------------------------------------
Deadly Clashes in Honduras as Ex-President’s Return Blocked
By MARC LACEY and GINGER THOMPSON
New York Times, July 6, 2009

TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras — The ousted Honduran president, Manuel Zelaya, swept over Honduras Sunday evening as crowds of his supporters clashed with soldiers and riot police at the airport. But after his plane swooped in low over the airport and cheers erupted from the crowds below, it veered away and headed to El Salvador.
“The runway’s blocked,” he said in an interview from sky that was broadcast over loudspeakers at the airport. “There’s no way I can land.” An air force jet and helicopter circled above airport, emphasizing the interim government’s control of the situation and bringing to a close a dramatic episode that had much of the country standing on edge.

The leaders who expelled Mr. Zelaya in an early-morning coup last Sunday had bluntly said that the plane carrying the deposed president and other aircraft accompanying it would be denied permission to land. “If he pushes it, there will be 10,000 people on the runway to prevent him,” said Enrique Ortez, foreign minister of the caretaker government.

But Mr. Zelaya, vowing to return home to recover his presidency, boarded a plane in Washington on Sunday afternoon with the United Nations General Assembly president, Miguel D’Escoto Brockmann, and a small group of advisers and others. Crowds of Mr. Zelaya’s supporters ringed the airport on Sunday evening, demanding that he be allowed to return to the country and the presidency to which he had been elected.Soldiers stood in formation at one end of the runway and in trenches dug into a hillside, firing into the air and setting off tear gas, while a helicopter hovered overhead.As hundreds of people tried to break down the fences to enter the airport grounds, soldiers fired into the crowd.

At least one person was killed and two were badly wounded, a medic and emergency services at the airport said, according to Reuters. Adding to the drama, Mr. Zelaya was giving interviews from the air as he approached Central America. “No one can obligate me to turn around,” he told Telesur, a Venezuelan network that had reporters on the plane. “The constitution prohibits expelling Hondurans from the country. I am returning with all of my constitutional guarantees.” As the plane neared the airport, Mr. Zelaya addressed the military directly on live television, asking soldiers to return their loyalty to them “in the name of God, in the name of the people, and in the name of justice.” About 5:25 p.m., his plane swept in low over the airport and the crowd erupted in cheers. But the plane flew past the airport and circled around the capital.

As all of Honduras stood in suspense, the interim president, Roberto Micheletti said he was willing to negotiate with the Organization of American States, the group that ousted Honduras on Saturday night for forcibly ousting the president. It remained unclear whether Mr. Micheletti’s proposal represented a breakthrough, as some Obama administration officials said might be the case.

Tensions were high throughout the region. Mr. Micheletti said that Nicaraguan troops had been observed near the border with Honduras, which he called a provocation. He called on President Daniel Ortega of Nicaragua to withdraw the troops and vowed to defend Honduran territory.But Mr. Ortega of Nicaragua denied in a radio interview that any troops were massed and American officials in Washington said they lacked any information of Nicaraguan troop movements.

The presidents of Equador, Paraguay and Argentina as well as Jose Miguel Insulza, the secretary general of the O.A.S, were flying in a separate plane and they had plans to land only if Mr. Zelaya’s plane landed safely. If not, they were going on to El Salvador.

Even as they vowed to talk, members of the ousted government did not back off a bit from their contention that ouster of Mr. Zelaya by the army was legal and that under no circumstances would he be allowed to complete the final six months of his presidency.

Mr. Micheletti said he was concerned that Mr. Zelaya’s arrival in the country would cause violence. “We don’t want internal conflicts,” he said. “We don’t want bloodshed and this could be the consequence of him coming back.” Awaiting him upon return, Mr. Micheletti said, 18 arrest warrants for treason, abuse of authority and other charge. The new government said Mr. Zelaya had broken the law by pushing ahead, even when the courts ordered him not to, with a referendum on whether to change the country’s constitution. Critics feared he intended to extend his rule past January, when he would have been required to step down.

But even as President Zelaya’s flight approached Honduras, a flurry of diplomatic efforts were underway to try to stop the crisis from spinning out of control. Mr. Micheletti issued another urgent offer to the O.A.S. to negotiate a diplomatic resolution to the crisis, although even as he vowed to talk, members of the de facto government did not back down from their refusal to allow Mr. Zelaya to return to office.

And in a possible reciprocation by the O.A.S., the organization shifted away from a strategy that prohibited their diplomats from speaking with Mr. Micheletti. For the first time, officials indicated that the O.A.S. would open direct channels of communication.

In a telephone interview, a senior Obama administration official said that the United States, worried about the worsening tensions on the streets of Honduras, was also beginning its own diplomatic efforts, in coordination with the O.A.S., to get the negotiations with the de facto government moving sooner rather than later. The officials would not give details of their efforts. “This is an extremely difficult and delicate situation,” the senior administration official said, speaking on condition of anonymity, “and from our point of view, speed is of the essence.”

Excerpts from Washington Post, 7-6-09
[Acting President] Micheletti said in a news conference that Nicaraguan troops were massing at the border with Honduras. "I want to ask the country of Nicaragua, our brothers, not to cross our borders, because we are ready to defend our country. If there are acts of war against our country, there will be bloodshed," he said.
Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega dismissed the charges of troop movement as "totally false." Critics of the de facto Micheletti government said the rumors of a war with Nicaragua were propaganda intended to consolidate power for the new regime by introducing an illusory external threat.

U.S. officials confirmed that Honduras's de facto government had sent a message to the OAS seeking to open negotiations, a move that one official described as positive.

Representatives of many countries at the OAS meeting -- including the United States -- urged Zelaya not to fly back to Honduras, saying the move was dangerous for him and his supporters. "Given the situation in Honduras, we did not see how this was going to assist in creating a political space for dialogue. But at the same time, we respect the right of President Zelaya as a Honduran citizen, and the legal and constitutional leader of Honduras, to make his own decisions," the U.S. official said

Negotiation or Clash?

Hope everyone has been having an enjoyable July 4 weekend. My daughter Stephanie from Hawaii is visiting here for the festivities. Our weather has been uncharacteristically mild and pleasant, though no doubt DC’s legendary hot, humid summer doldrums will kick in eventually. It was perfect yesterday for picnics and the fireworks down at the National Mall. Sitting next to me out on the grass was a couple from Kentucky, in Washington for the first time celebrating their 10th wedding anniversary. The aftermath of the metro accident is still evident, with funerals and slow going through the crash area, which has handicapped someone like me who must frequently use that line to get to interpretation assignments.

The situation in Honduras seems to be changing daily, so I may have to revise my predictions. The US has pretty much been keeping hands-off, not commenting further, perhaps wisely so, though perhaps active behind the scenes. Chavez has cut off cheap oil and it looks like the OAS is invoking sanctions. Presumably the US is included in that, whatever is involved, though that is not clear, since member countries have the option of deciding what to do. Several countries have recalled their ambassadors, but not the US so far. If the interim government is squeezed too hard economically (and there is little squeezing room available), then people may start blaming it rather than Zelaya for the current mess. That might boost his popularity, which was at a low point before all this happened. In that case, interim government officials could lose support and find their own lives in jeopardy. Which way the army would go then is anyone’s guess.

Perhaps realizing these risks, the interim government has hinted at holding the November elections early. And it may decide that negotiation is the way to go after all. And even though the secretary general of the OAS has said, “No negotiation,” that’s probably not quite true. The problem now will be to work out a solution allowing all parties to save face and feel protected and put this sorry episode behind the country without further bloodshed and strife and before someone gets badly hurt or killed. I do give the army credit so far for restraint. Cardinal Rodriguez, someone I respect, has warned against Zelaya’s return today.

But now, Zelaya has announced his return today (after this writing), so I am very worried, as he has asked his supporters to meet him en masse at the Teguc airport and the interim government has vowed to arrest him. That is not a recipe for calm. He should wait, but maybe he wants to be a martyr and not let his support fade, though he’s playing a dangerous game—I think he would like to be a symbolic martyr, not lose his life. And, of course, he wants to win this dispute, as does the other side. Fortunately, other Latin American presidents are reportedly coming with him, but not Chavez, against whom there are strong feelings in Honduras for having interfered, even as the pro-Zelaya faction may be grateful for his backing. Chavez is certainly a polarizing figure.

That’s how things stand as of this morning. Let’s see what happens next. Below from today’s NYTimes, Barbara

O.A.S. Votes to Suspend Honduras Over Coup
By GINGER THOMPSON and MARC LACEY

WASHINGTON — The Organization of American States voted Saturday night to suspend Honduras, but after deliberations that lasted until nearly midnight, it stopped short of calling on member countries to impose sanctions on the interim government responsible for ousting President Manuel Zelaya.

With a show of hands, all 33 members of the organization voted in favor of a resolution that expressed "deep concern about the worsening of the current political crisis” in Honduras, and called for the country’s immediate suspension. It appeared that Honduras did not vote.

Afterward, Mr. Zelaya confirmed that he planned to return to Honduras on Sunday. “I am going back to defend my people,” he said. “I am going back to defend my country.”
Honduras is only the second country suspended by the O.A.S., the Western Hemisphere’s top diplomatic body; Cuba was barred in 1962 as Fidel Castro took the island toward communism in the years after his 1959 revolution. The group said that Honduras would be held accountable for violations of human rights, and it called on Secretary General José Miguel Insulza to continue diplomatic efforts aimed at peacefully returning President Zelaya to power.

But rather than calling on member countries to impose sanctions against Honduras, a move advocated by several countries, led by Venezuela, the resolution encouraged countries to "review their relations" with Honduras while diplomatic efforts continued, a more moderate stance that had been pressed by Canada and the United States.

It appeared that the United States and Canada were less persuasive in convincing Mr. Zelaya not to return to Honduras on Sunday. Some diplomats said his return would be like throwing a match in a tinderbox.

But during his speech to the O.A.S. Saturday night, Mr. Zelaya stood firm.
“This coup is a test to the rule of law of every country in the world,” he said with passion after the vote. “And I believe this test has been energetically answered.”
Mr. Zelaya added: “There are moments when keeping silent is a crime. This is one of those moments.”

As the regional group gathered here to discuss suspending Honduras and escorting its ousted president back to his country, a torrent of defiant statements from leaders of the post-coup government seemed to further narrow the prospects of a diplomatic resolution.

The regional group got a bleak report from Mr. Insulza, whose whirlwind visit to Honduras on Friday not only failed to persuade Honduras’s de facto government to surrender power, but also seemed to solidify the coup leaders’ resolve. Mr. Insulza described his discussions with leaders of the Honduran Supreme Court as “tense.” He said that in light of the “inflexible attitude of the de facto regime,” there seemed to be no alternative to suspending Honduras. “This should not be interpreted as an action against the Honduran people,” he said, “but as a way of pressuring the de facto government.”

In Tegucigalpa, the capital, it seemed clear the post-coup government was squaring for a fight. Attempting to outflank the O.A.S.’s plans to suspend Honduras, the interim government — which took power last Sunday after troops stormed President Zelaya’s home, detained him and put him on a plane to Costa Rica — announced Friday night that it was quitting the group.

On Saturday afternoon, it was clear that some in the O.A.S. were also prepared to push back. A handful of the region’s presidents, including the leaders of Argentina, Ecuador and Paraguay, were scheduled to arrive here to accompany Mr. Zelaya to Honduras on Sunday.

Meanwhile, others in the organization were expected to argue strongly against the plan, saying Mr. Zelaya’s return to Honduras would be like throwing a match into a tinderbox.

Peter Kent, a minister of state in Canada’s Department of Foreign Affairs, told the meeting that suspending Honduras would not be enough to restore democratic order.
And he said the organization had to “maintain diplomatic initiatives,” aimed at directly engaging the interim government, to help end the crisis. As for President Zelaya’s plans to return, Mr. Kent was emphatically opposed to the idea, saying, “It is far from clear that the current conditions could guarantee his safety upon return.”

On the streets of Tegucigalpa on Saturday, anti-Zelaya protesters lined up to defend the new government, while more than 10,000 people answered his videotaped call to turn out at the airport, vowing to guard him upon his return. A man with a megaphone shouted at the soldiers: “Are you the armed forces of the people or the armed forces of the bourgeois?”

In a statement on the radio, the Roman Catholic archbishop of Tegucigalpa, Cardinal Oscar Andrés Rodríguez, said there could be a “bloodbath” if Mr. Zelaya returned.
With the O.A.S. suspension all but certain, the most pressing matters facing the group on Saturday were decisions over how to proceed.

A senior Obama administration official said the United States would probably move to suspend economic development and military assistance.

Stalemate

Don't know if anyone out there is reading this blog, but since there are daily developments, I feel obligated to keep reporting what I know.

So far, the OAS has failed to get the interim Honduran government to back down and let Zelaya return to serve out the rest of his term, so, today sanctions are supposed to go into effect. While Zelaya has strong support outside Honduras, he doesn’t seem to have much inside the country. Honduras, already hanging on by an economic thread, cannot withstand sanctions for long. Already, the current situation has had an economic impact, as schools and many enterprises have been closed. However, with Honduras being a largely agrarian economy, unless farmers are producing for export, the impact may be less severe than otherwise. A subsistence farmer in the hinterlands is not affected much one way or the other by who is in charge of the government and may only get news sporadically via a transistor radio. But the repercussion go beyond Honduras. I regret to see Latin American returning to the polarization of the Cold War, as seems to be happening right now.

The contention of the interim government is that theirs is civilian rule, just keeping civic order, with the military subordinate to constitutionally designated civilian authorities. So far, at least, there are no reported deaths and rubber bullets and tear gas have been used to disperse pro-Zelaya demonstrators, not more lethal means. The (acting?) president has asked Rigoberta Menchu, indigenous Nobel Peace laureate from Guatemala to mediate, but, so far, she reports that no one has spoken to her on either side. Where is Obama, the great conciliator in all this? Waiting to see if the situation escalates? So far, except for Hillary Clinton’s immediate condemnation of the “coup,” the Obama administration has been largely silent and, as far as I know, has not threatened to cut off aid. I haven’t heard about the Peace Corps being evacuated yet.

Honduras needs calm now and time to let the dust settle. National pride has been aroused and a bunker mentality has set in within the current government. If the country can hold out until the November elections, the matter will be largely settled then.

Zelaya’s return right now would certainly provoke unrest and probably violence, and subject him and his family to constant danger. Perhaps now is the time for him to think about personal survival and consider resigning, a la Sarah Palin. When things get too hot, get out the kitchen. Assuming that Chavez would allow it, instead of retiring to his ranch in Honduras, Zelaya could accept an invitation to take up ranching in Venezuela, where he would be well protected and have a platform from which to join his benefactor in denouncing the Honduran oligarchy (of which, until very recently, he was a part), the United States, and capitalism in general. Remember, if this happens, you heard it here first.

If not a resignation, then the US should step to try to broker a compromise, even though neither side wants one. See below, Barbara

From Zelaya supporter in Tegucigalpa: We still have restrictions on media coverage on TV and radio, and the few programs that attempt to tell the full story are cut off in mid-stream. It's incredibly frustrating to hear the constant propaganda on TV supporting the anti-Zelaya demonstrators, while the pro-Zelaya/anti-coup faction is painted as a bunch of delinquents. Pro-Zelaya demonstration turn-outs are also vastly under-reported, if reported at all. Union leaders have been detained and who knows how many other citizens? People around the country are trying to come to the capital, but military checkpoints only let them through if they say that they support Micheletti. We have a state-imposed curfew from 10 pm to 5 am, at least until Friday. Schools and universities are closed. We suspect that cell phones are being monitored, and electricity and land line phone service are frequently cut in various sectors of the city. As I'm writing this, my telephone service has been cut and restored twice.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Honduras rejects OAS appeal to restore president

AP-TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras – Honduras' Supreme Court rebuffed a personal appeal from the Americas' top international diplomat Friday, refusing to restore ousted President Manuel Zelaya before a Saturday deadline.

Jose Miguel Insulza, who heads the Organization of American States, flew to Honduras in an attempt to persuade the forces that ousted Zelaya to take him back in the face of overwhelming international condemnation and economic sanctions. He met for two hours with Jorge Rivera, president of the Supreme Court that authorized the military to seize Zelaya on Sunday and fly him into exile. "Insulza asked Honduras to reinstate Zelaya, but the president of the court categorically answered that there is an arrest warrant for him," said court spokesman Danilo Izaguirre. "Now the OAS has to decide what it will do."

Insulza made no comments as he emerged from the meeting. He has said Honduras will be suspended from the organization, a move that could lead to further sanctions against one of the Americas' poorest countries, unless Zelaya is restored by Saturday morning. The OAS has called an emergency meeting in Washington for Saturday afternoon.Insulza had conceded before traveling to Honduras that his mission was unlikely to succeed, saying: "It will be very hard to turn things around in a couple of days."

"We are not going to Honduras to negotiate. We are going to Honduras to ask them to change what they have been doing," he said. Insulza also was meeting with leaders of Congress, "basically to clarify exactly what our position is." But he said he would not see Roberto Micheletti, whom Congress named president after Zelaya's ouster, in order to avoid legitimizing the government. Micheletti's foreign minister, Enrique Ortez, said that Insulza "can negotiate all he wants, except for Zelaya's situation."
"That is not negotiable because he cannot return to Honduras, and if he does he will be arrested and tried," Ortez said. Zelaya, who was traveling in Central America, planned to return to Honduras on Sunday, according to Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega. Zelaya has said he would be traveling with Insulza and the presidents of Argentina and Ecuador. Contrary to assertions by the Micheletti government, Interpol on Friday released a statement saying it had not received any request to issue an arrest warrant for Zelaya.

Micheletti led a raucous chant of "Democracy!" before a giant crowd waving blue-and-white Honduran flags in front of the palace that Micheletti has occupied since Zelaya was seized by soldiers and flown into exile. He pledged to stand firm in the face of the international pressure. "I am the president of all Hondurans," he proclaimed. "They said we were afraid, but here is the proof that the people are not afraid," Micheletti yelled. "We are asking Hondurans to communicate with their relatives throughout the world to tell them that no coup took place here."

A rival rally by thousands of Zelaya backers marched to the offices of the OAS. Marchers carried a banner with a picture of Zelaya and the words: "Mel our friend, the people are with you!" Labor and farm leaders who back Zelaya said they would meet with Insulza on Friday afternoon. Despite feared violence, the two groups did not clash. Police helicopters circled overhead and dozens of soldiers and police guarded the palace.

Micheletti's supporters say the army was justified in ousting Zelaya — on orders of Congress and the Supreme Court — because he had called a referendum which they claim he intended to use to extend his rule. Zelaya denies that and has said he will no longer press for constitutional changes.

Nations around the world have promised to shun Micheletti, who was sworn in after the coup, and the nation already is suffering economic reprisals. Neighboring countries have imposed trade blockades, major lenders have cut aid, the Obama administration has halted joint military operations and all European Union ambassadors have abandoned the Honduran capital. On Friday, the U.S. Embassy in Honduras issued a statement expressing "deep concern over restrictions imposed on certain fundamental rights" by Micheletti's government, including a curfew in force since Sunday, and "reports of intimidation and censorship against certain individuals and media outlets."

Micheletti's government is so eager to find a friend that it announced it had been recognized by Israel and Italy — surprising the governments of those countries. Italy withdrew its ambassador to protest the coup, and Israeli Foreign Ministry spokesman Yigal Palmor said: "All rumors about Israeli recognition of the new president are wholly unfounded."

Micheletti asked Nobel Peace laureate Rigoberta Menchu to help mediate the conflict, and she arrived in Tegucigalpa on Friday. "I come to try to talk with anyone who wants to listen to search for peace for this country," she said.

A suspension by the OAS could encourage other organizations and countries to suspend international aid and loans to Honduras. Ousted Honduran Finance Minister Rebeca Santos on Friday told international finance ministers in Chile that the coup has already hurt the economy. The World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank have suspended between $300 million and $450 million in financing.

Now what?

This just in from someone who served in PC with me in Honduras: “I can't tell you how many times I have said to people. ‘You're not sure you can do it? Let me tell you about...’ Not that any of them are half as strong as you. But people in their 20's don't want to think they can't do something someone in their 60's can.” Well, that’s my message, too, to all my readers, regardless of age: “If you want to do it—with apologies to Obama—Yes, you can!”

Whew! e-mails have been pouring in thick and fast from Honduras and elsewhere on the situation there. I won’t venture to call it a coup any more, since some Hondurans reading my blog have taken offense at that. Zelaya doesn’t seem to have many political allies inside Honduras, just a group of angry supporters in Teguc. Here in Washington, DC, a crowd of his supporters held a rally yesterday at which the current ambassador, a Zelaya appointee spoke, though he seems to have been won over by the other side. But he did not convince his listeners that what had happened to Zelaya was completely legal. If the army had not been involved, if there had just been a judicial proceeding, that would not have given the appearance of a military coup.

Most Hondurans I’ve been in touch with feel misunderstood and threatened more by the rest of the world than by the Honduran military. Zelaya seems to have become pretty unpopular, beginning about a year or so ago when he began hobnobbing with Chavez. Now they blame both Zelaya and Chavez for their present dilemma and causing the whole world to be against them. Although the OAS has made threats of sanctions and has expressed an unwillingness to negotiate, the new Honduran leadership is still holding fast, though probably worried about the consequences. Both sides, firm as they are now, are going to have to yield, because Honduras cannot tolerate sanctions, being already in a weakened economic condition.

The US ambassador is apparently sheltering Zelaya’s son, and maybe also his wife, but has not cut off aid. The US has kept a low profile, but maybe needs to step in now behind the scenes to break the impasse. The Obama administration in this case, as elsewhere, has to walk a diplomatic fine line and avoid favoring Zelaya too much, even though the US has already publicly supported him. And Zelaya himself needs to back down, even though that may infuriate Chavez. His friend Chavez did him no favors by pushing him into this.

I’ll share a couple more things with those of you reading this blog.
One commentator tells me: Socialist/communist politicians for years have been using democratic constitutional elections to attain power. Once in power, they don't feel any respect for the constitution and immediately begin efforts to convert the country to socialism/communism and to keep themselves in power indefinitely.

And here is my answer to yesterday’s analysis of the Honduran situation from the former Cuban bureaucrat now living in NYC, someone, I might mention, who had great difficulty getting permission to leave Cuba, partly because of his close ties to the Castro government, and for whom I was instrumental in helping him get out:

You are certainly right that Chavez, Ortega, and, now, Zelaya are Fidel wannabes imitating him only clumsily. And they are donning the "liberators of the poor" mantle just to further their own ambitions and power, much as Fidel himself has also done, but, I agree, with much more cunning and finesse. He is a master. He has the whole world still believing he is the underdog who has successfully championed the common man everywhere and bravely defied the hegemonic USA. And you are quite observant that whoever comes out ahead in the Honduras fight will be part of the land-owning elite--indeed Zelaya is a wealthy rancher who only lately has let himself be seduced by Chavez into accepting subsidized oil and free energy-efficient light bulbs. Zelaya won his 15 minutes of fame and repaid Chavez by hosting the OAS meeting and engineering the return of Cuba to the OAS.

But all that has not made Zelaya very popular with any but a small segment of the Honduran population, as far as I can tell. Hondurans hosted refugees from Guatemala, Nicaragua, and El Salvador in the 1980s and are not anxious to get embroiled in polarizing left-right politics. That is why, unless he manipulated the vote and vote count (as Chavez has been accused of doing previously), Zelaya would probably lose the referendum, not to mention a second term. If the referendum were allowed to go forward, I would advocate that it be overseen by international observers (Jimmy Carter?)—a role I undertook myself in Chile, Nicaragua, Haiti, and the DR. Such observers cannot eliminate all fraud, but their presence helps. However, it doesn't look like the referendum is going to happen now.

Chavez has been all bluster, threatening to send in Venezuelan troops and cut off oil shipments--I'm glad to see the US laying low, even though it has a military base in Honduras. I am wondering about Peace Corps volunteers, who, I presume, have been told to remain in their sites and not travel around.

And, sad to say, you are also right that it probably doesn't matter much, one way or another, to the common Honduran citizen what the outcome is, since governmental corruption and nepotism are endemic and the same social sector, just a different faction, will remain in charge in any case. The only benefit to Honduras from all this is that it's now on the map and people around the world have become aware of its existence. Barbara

Finally, here’s a warning from Cuban-born, Spain-based commentator
CARLOS ALBERTO MONTANER
Madrid, Spain

Preventing a Honduran Bloodbath
The United States Ambassador to Honduras, Hugo Llorens, an extremely competent diplomat, tried very hard to keep Honduras's Congress from ousting President Manuel Zelaya. After his arguments and pressures were exhausted, and faced with something that seemed inevitable, he did what he could: he sheltered the president's son at his residence to save him from any violent outcome.

Fortunately, Zelaya's expulsion from the presidency and from his country was bloodless. It wasn't exactly a military coup: the Army acted on orders from the Supreme Court after Zelaya's continued violations of the law. The ousted president seemed intent on getting reelected, even if it meant violating the Constitution, and on dragging the nation into Hugo Chávez's "21st century socialism" camp against the will of the Honduran people.

Nevertheless, if there is still something worse than the depressing spectacle of a freely elected president forced to leave his country at gunpoint, it is that same leader trying to force his way back in. If Zelaya returns, he will be arrested and charged with an array of crimes. His imprisonment will embarrass any who decide, irresponsibly, to accompany him on such a mad adventure.

This is most grave. Hugo Chávez and Daniel Ortega are already talking about invasions and resorting to force. That could unleash a bloodbath and would certainly destroy the weak political institutions that Honduras labored to achieve three decades ago, when the era of military dictatorships mercifully ended. Peter Hakim, president of Inter-American Dialogue, put it this way: "Zelaya is fighting with all the institutions in the country. He is in no condition really to govern."

And that's the truth. According to Mexican pollster Mitofsky's April survey, Zelaya was Latin America's least popular leader. Only 25 percent of the nation supported him. Another survey found that 67 percent of Hondurans would never vote for him again. Why? Because the Hondurans attributed to him a deep level of corruption; because they assumed he had links to drug trafficking, especially drugs originating in Venezuela, as former U.S. Ambassador to the O.A.S. Roger Noriega revealed in a well-documented article published in his blog; and because violence and poverty -- the nation's two worst scourges -- have increased dramatically during his three years in power.

Simply put, a huge majority of the country -- including the two major political parties (including Zelaya's), the Christian churches, the other branches of government and the armed forces -- do not want him as president. All agreed that he should finish his mandate and leave power in January 2010, but no one wanted him to break the law to keep himself in the presidency. Hugo Chávez has already done that, and Nicaragua's Daniel Ortega, Bolivia's Evo Morales and probably Ecuador's Rafael Correa are also trying to do the same. The Hondurans, without question, do not want to go down the path of Hugo Chavez's collectivist and anti-Western "caudillismo," allied to Iran, Cuba and North Korea.

What to do under these circumstances? The worst idea is to resort to force. The government of interim President Roberto Micheletti already is summoning reservists and the Army is preparing to defend the nation's sovereignty. The nationalist discourse is heating up with talk of "defense of the motherland" against foreign enemies. They worry about foreign aggression, shrewdly propelled by Chavez and his crew, in which -- inexplicably this time -- the Americans have sided with the enemies of democracy and the rule of law.
If a conflict explodes, one of the Western hemisphere's poorest countries will suffer the bloodletting that Guatemala, El Salvador and Nicaragua experienced during the Cold War.

The solution is to move forward with the general elections planned for November. It's a solution within everyone's reach: the candidates are already there, freely elected in open primaries, and both enjoy much popularity. Why plunge this society irresponsibly into a maelstrom of violence? Once the new government is selected, a government that enjoys the legitimacy generated by a democratic process, the Honduran people can push this lamentable episode into the past.

That will be best for almost all parties in the conflict. Zelaya may lose the game, but Hondurans will not pay with their blood for the mistakes and misdemeanors of a maladroit ruler.

Does it matter?

I have a Cuban friend in NYC, my age (also an interpreter), whose parents were "heroes of the revolution" and who worked for many years in the upper echelons there himself until he got fed up.

About Honduras, he observes, and he's probably right, that this fight is between two oligarchies, Zelaya being a wealthy rancher who only recently aligned himself with Chavez and Fidel. Below is his statement to me, copied verbatim except for correction of a few spelling and grammatical errors

All this recent brouhaha has a deja vu quality about it. To me Zelaya is just another Latin American political demagogue just like Peron, Fidel, Daniel Ortega, Correa, or Chavez and not a very good or important one at that . Besides, the whole political imbroglio between the three branches of the government and the army has the air of recurring slapstick comedy or in Hispanic cultural terms what is known as the "sainete" genre.

Moreover, after having had the experience of living through the Castro era and, after knowing a politician who is really larger than life and truly charismatic (this may be a manifestation of my Cuban ethnocentrism!), all these minor demagogues seem just like pale imitations of the only real McCoy. Just to put it in perspective, remember that while waiting on his deathbed for his inevitable demise, this guy still manages to preserve the world's interest and keep on center stage.

In Honduras, I see two sides engaged in a power struggle. The first is the clique actually in power in Honduras who feared losing their position within Honduran society if Zelaya did away with term limits and reelected himself. The second is the clique that wanted to retain power through the abolition of presidential term limits and Zelaya's reelection.

Both cliques belong to the oligarchical land-owning class that runs Honduras and neither will change society while in power. The whole fight is about which side will run the government and have the opportunity to enrich itself through corruption. Demagoguery and political maneuvering are just techniques both sides use to gain popular support and to be able to seize and hold on to power

The leftist Latin American governments and Obama apparently back Zelaya but Obama's backing is only lukewarm. He must back Zelaya to keep faith with the established US policy of backing of democracy in the hemisphere. But the present administration will not press very hard for Zelaya's reinstatement if it considers him and his supporters future allies to Latin America's new political leftist movement.

The US decision on whether or not to back Zelaya is crucial and will probably decide his fate. This decision will almost certainly depend on Zelaya's willingness to compromise and back down on his publicly stated objectives.

If he agrees to back down and not to seek the end of presidential term limits and run for reelection, the US will agree to reinstate him temporarily until the presidential elections are held in October or November. In this scenario, once agreement with Zelaya would be reached, the US would probably attempt to broker an agreement between both cliques to temporarily reinstate Zelaya to the presidency but with some sort of power sharing component that will not permit the elimination of presidential term limits and Zelaya's reelection.

If Zelaya does not back down, then US is not likely to lean very hard on the opposing clique and, as a consequence, negotiations between the clique in power, the OAS, and the international community to reinstate Zelaya might drag out until elections are held and a new president assumes office.

Not a Coup?

A response to my last blog (see comment below, after previous blog) takes issue with my following the international press in calling Zelaya's ouster from Honduras a "coup." Certainly the position of those now running the government there is that it was not.

The Honduran situation is complicated, no clear black and white, as I have said before (excuse any repetition). Honduran legislators claim it was not a coup at all, that Zelaya was removed from office via legal and constitutional procedures and the military was just carrying out civilian orders. Most ordinary Hondurans I've been in touch with are confused—they don’t want military rule, but I haven't heard of any groundswell of grassroots support for Zelaya either, though he certainly has his vociferous supporters in the capital. Apparently, most of the referendum plans--or so I hear--were engineered by Chavez, along with Cuban and Nicaraguan advisers, and that has caused considerable resentment among many Hondurans. There is also resentment in some quarters that other countries fail to understand what actually happened, have jumped to conclusions about a coup, and are trying to shove Zelaya back down the throats of the government and the people after he has been lawfully removed.

Last I heard, Zelaya has said he just wants to finish out his term and retire to his ranch--if so, he should be allowed to do that. It was the effort to run again and to circumvent the constitution and supreme court that had the Honduran establishment up in arms. And they seem to be dubbing international pressure, including from the US, as most countries do, as outside interference. I just hope Zelaya can be restored peacefully to office until January when his term terminates. If anyone has different or new information directly from Honduras, please share it with me. What I have gotten is bits and pieces by e-mail from Hondurans I know there.

Here is a commentary just forwarded by someone I know in Honduras: Aunque un Presidente haya sido electo democrática y legítimamente, no tiene derecho a desobedecer la Constitución y las leyes de la República. Los pueblos ya no están dispuestos a tolerar ese tipo de abusos de poder de los Presidentes constitucionales, que muchas veces se consideran intocables, por el mismo hecho de haber sido electos por el pueblo. El mensaje de Honduras es simple: el voto popular no incluye una licencia para delinquir, y todo esfuerzo para gobernar por el bien común debe estar dentro del marco de la ley. For those who don’t know Spanish, she is saying that just having been elected democratically does not give a president the right to run roughshod over the law and constitution.

Many Hondurans feel misunderstood by the world and it doesn't sound like those in charge now are going to yield easily and, initially, the threat of sanctions will just harden their stance. I hope Chavez stops shooting off his mouth, as that is puts Hondurans on the defensive. Chavez should stay out of it and stop threatening to send in his military. That really has gotten up the dander of Hondurans. We'll see if the OAS can broker a deal. Of course, if other countries threaten to implement sanctions against Honduras, perhaps the “us against the world” mentality will break down. But if OAS leaders accompany Zelaya back to Honduras and if he promises to forget about running for another term, then maybe a deal can still be reached.

At least, this matter has put Honduras on the world map. Some people have been asking me just where Honduras is located.
Barbara

More on Honduras Coup

According to my contacts in Honduras, it's fairly calm in most parts of the country, except in the capital, where demonstrators for and against Zelaya have clashed with police using tear gas and rubber bullets which, while not fatal, can cause distress and injuries (I remember the tear gas and water cannons in Chile in 1988). Amnesty International has called for protection of the rights of protesters, presumably, for the rights of peaceful protesters. Schools are closed, there is a curfew, and most people are staying indoors.

The last time there was a military coup in Honduras was in 1978. While a military coup is unacceptable and undemocratic and not something Hondurans would want to see return, nonetheless, many ordinary citizens (and not just wealthy elites) had been getting concerned because Cuban, Venezuelan, and Nicaraguan security forces had come into the country to support Zelaya and even reportedly supplied the ballots he was going to use in his referendum. So, it's not a completely black and white situation. Many Hondurans feel that too many other countries are meddling in their internal affairs.

The only solution I see, and the one I believe most Hondurans would support, would be to reinstate Zelaya as president, allowing him to finish out his term until January, but have him agree to scrap efforts to amend the constitution to allow him to stay on beyond that time. The Venezuelan military should butt out and the US military should continue to lie low at its Honduran base. Even though Chavez has blamed the US for the coup, if anything, the US has bent over backwards to support Zelaya so far and he himself told the Spanish press that the US had actually stopped the coup—but that was before it had actually happened. Zelaya plans to return to Honduras on Thurs. when more violent clashes and demonstrations are likely to occur.

Anyway, that's what I’ve heard so far, Barbara

Update on Honduran Coup

For those reading this blog for clues about the current situation in Honduras, I will share with you what I know to date about a situation still unfolding. While a military coup is certainly undemocratic, and while some segments of the Honduran population strongly support Zelaya, my people on the ground there seem to think that most do not support his efforts to serve a second term and they are unhappy about the way he tried to circumvent the constitution and the established political process, with a lot of advice and support from Chavez and the Castro government—reportedly Chavez even supplied the referendum ballots when local authorities refused to do so.

Mostly, there has been calm since the coup, except for the burning of tires at certain city intersections, a common form of protest in Honduras and other Latin American countries. And the folks I have heard from are not elite oligarchs, as Chavez contends, but ordinary people, not really poor, but middle-class; otherwise, they would not be writing me e-mails. They describe a general state of surprise and confusion, with some fear, by those old enough to remember, of return to the bad old days of military rule back in the early 1980s.

The way out of this dilemma, as I see it so far, would be to insist that Zelaya come back as president, to finish out his term, which ends in January, but provided he agrees not to run again or try to mount a referendum outside of established norms.

At least this situation has placed Honduras on the world map. I'll let you know if I hear anything more. Barbara

Honduras Coup and other subjects

First, let me thank Jane, Jose Manuel, and Lesly for their comments posted on this blog, which I only discovered and answered today, since I admit to being somewhat IT challenged, never having grown up with computers and Internet. But, I'm learning! Leslie very kindly said she also served in the Peace Corps in La Esperanza and remembers "the famous Barbara Joe name." Yes, I was famous within a small, select circle.

By good friend Blanka (correct spelling, she's from the Czech Republic)says she saw someone reading my book on the metro last week, but she didn't get a chance to talk with the person as she had to get off.

A copy of my book was donated to the DC public library several months ago, but has yet to appear in the online catalogue. Meanwhile, I am planning to come out with a very slightly revised version, namely with a statement on the front cover about my recent award, to-wit: Best New Non-Fiction Finalist: National Indie Excellence Awards and on the back cover. a quote from the Washington Post review: Barbara's book is a great read...Buy and read this book, no matter your age. Also, a very few corrections and additions inside. However, there were some glitches there, which has delayed production of the new version. I will announce it when it comes out, though it is almost impossible to distiguish from the current version.

As for the main topic of this entry, Honduras was relatively free of political strife during the 1980s when Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua were embroiled in civil wars, offering safe haven to refugees from all three countries. But now, perhaps, it is Honduras' turn to experience internal strife. Until now, most Hondurans have been fairly apolitical. And certainly the economic situation is so fragile, the country cannot afford unrest.

Zelaya, now suddenly exiled to Costa Rica, was, as readers of my book may recall, the favored presidential candidate of my blind friend Gloria. I was not particularly concerned when Zelaya reestablished ties with Cuba and supported Cuba's bid to rejoin the OAS, as that had the potential for positive results. And, of course, Cuban doctors have served in Honduras since Hurricane Mitch, often working in tandem with Peace Corps volunteers like myself. Warmer relations with Venezuela also resulted not only in favorable terms for oil, but in the gift of energy efficient light bulbs from Venezuela to Honduran households, as recounted in my blog. However, I was concerned when Zelaya wanted a second term, in contravention to a long established principle of the constitution--seeming to want to follow in the footsteps of Chavez and Fidel Castro by remaining in power. But I didn't expect a coup or military takeover and I certainly hope that the US military, at the Honduran base of Palmerola, stays out of the fray.

I am wondering right now how the army sons of Blanca, one of my volunteer village health workers, are faring. One son was a guard at the presidential palace last Feb., as my blog describes, the other is an officer who was in charge of Honduran troops in Iraq, as mentioned in my book.

I'm still somewhat in a state of shock right now and don't know quite what to think. I don't favor a military takeover, but, at the same time, Zelaya's attempt to extend his term in office was worrisome and seemed an ill-conceived power grab and poorly timed. I just hope the crisis can be resolved without bloodshed and that the Peace Corps won’t be pulled out or expelled. See AP report below. Barbara

Honduran military ousts president ahead of vote

Honduran president says he's victim of 'coup'
• Troops arrest Honduran president
•
AP – A military vehicle patrols the area around the presidential residency in Tegucigalpa, Sunday June 28, …
By WILL WEISSERT and FREDDY CUEVAS, Associated Press Writers Will Weissert And Freddy Cuevas, Associated Press Writers –

TEGUCIGALPA, Honduras – Soldiers seized the national palace and sent President Manuel Zelaya into exile in Costa Rica on Sunday, hours before a disputed constitutional referendum. Zelaya, a leftist ally of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, said he was victim of a coup.

The Supreme Court said it was supporting the military in what it called a defense of democracy, and the Honduran ambassador to the Organization of American States said the military was planning to swear in Congressional President Roberto Micheletti to replace Zelaya.

Zelaya was arrested shortly before polls were to open in a referendum on whether to change the constitution. The Supreme Court ruled the referendum illegal and everyone from Congress to members of his own party opposed it. Critics said Zelaya wanted to remove limits to his re-election.

It was not immediately clear who was running the government. Tanks rolled through the streets and hundreds of soldiers with riot shields surrounded the presidential palace in the capital, Tegucigalpa.

The constitution mandates that the head of Congress — Micheletti — is next in line to the presidency, followed by the chief justice of the Supreme Court.
Zelaya, arriving at the airport in the Costa Rican capital, San Jose, called the military action illegal.

"There is no way to justify an interruption of democracy, a coup d'etat," he said in a telephone call to the Venezuela-based Telesur television network. "This kidnapping is an extortion of the Honduran democratic system."

Zelaya said he would not recognize any de facto government and pledged to serve out his term, which ends in January. He said he would attend a scheduled meeting of Central American presidents in Nicaragua on Monday. He siad Chavez, which is also going, would provide transportation.

Chavez, who along with the Castros in Cuba is Zelaya's top ally, said Venezuela "is at battle" and put his military on alert.

President Barack Obama said he was "deeply concerned" by Zelaya's expulsion and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said the arrest should be condemned.
"I call on all political and social actors in Honduras to respect democratic norms, the rule of law and the tenets of the Inter-American Democratic Charter," Obama's statement read.

Zelaya told Telesur that he was awoken by gunshots and the shouts of his security guards, whom he said resisted troops for at least 20 minutes. Still in his pajamas, he jumped out of bed and ducked behind an air conditioner to avoid flying bullets, he said.

He said eight or nine soldiers in masks escorted him onto an air force plane that took him to Costa Rica.

Chavez said troops in Honduras also temporarily detained the Venezuelan and Cuban ambassadors, beating them.

Zelaya called on Honduran soldiers to desist, urged citizens to take to the streets in peaceful protests, and asked Honduran police to protect demonstrators.
Zelaya ally Rafael Alegria, a labor leader, called for protests.
"We demand respect for the president's life," he told Honduran radio Cadena de Noticias. "And we will go out into the streets to defend what this has cost us: living in peace and tranquility."

About 100 Zelaya supporters, many wearing "Yes" T-shirts for the referendum, blocked the main street outside the gates to the palace, throwing rocks and insults at soldiers and shouting "Traitors! Traitors!"
"They kidnapped him like cowards," screamed Melissa Gaitan. Tears streamed down the face of the 21-year-old, who works at the government television station. "We have to rally the people to defend our president."

Honduras has a history of military coups: Soldiers overthrew elected presidents in 1963 and 1972. The military did not turn the government over to civilians until 1981under U.S. pressure.

Micheletti has been one of the president's main opponents in the dispute over whether to hold the referendum. The head of the Supreme Court was also opposed to the nonbinding referendum, on whether to ask voters whether they want to convoke an assembly to rewrite the constitution.

It appeared that the vote would no longer take place.

Metro accident tests my commitment to public transportation

June 27, 2009

Doubtless my readers have all heard about the fatal crash earlier this week of two metro trains at rush hour, along an above-ground route that I travel almost every day for my Spanish interpretation work. After Monday evening’s accident, which killed 9 people and injured many more, metro travel in that area, which I had to undertake all this past week, was exceedingly slow and arduous. Passengers had to dismount from a station far from the accident site, get on a bus that went from one closed metro station to another picking up and dropping off, until we had passed the whole shut-down area and could get back on a train to continue on our way. For 2-hour assignments, I had to spend at least 5 hours going to and from. However, my inconvenience was trivial compared to what so many had suffered. Still, I am hoping that trains will be going straight through again by next week.

There was an understandable drop in ridership after the accident, although there had been only one fatal accident (with fewer casualties) before, back in 1982. I also noticed that passengers were now shying away from the front and rear cars, where people were killed or injured in the crash. Among the fatalities was a 40-year-old Salvadoran single mother of 6, Ana Fernandez.

One of my other interpretation assignments last week took me in the opposite direction to a hospital in Bethesda, where the patient, an 18-year-old Salvadoran boy with heart symptoms, was enrolled in an NIH research study. He had crossed the border alone at age 12 to join an older brother living here. His parents are still in El Salvador. Since he had no legal guardian here, he had to wait until he reached 18 to be able to sign consent as an adult so his heart condition could be examined. He was accompanied to the hospital by his brother’s wife, who spoke no English, though my patient did. Mainly, I was there for her but I also felt this boy needed moral support, as he seemed shy and fearful. He asked for a tranquilizer before entering the MRI machine.

After his tests were over, I asked the hospital to send the boy and his sister-in-law home in a cab as they had no car. I waited with them outside the hospital until it arrived. The driver was a Spanish-speaking woman and, after my long trek earlier in the day around the damaged track in the opposite direction, I asked her to please drop me off at the nearest metro station on her way to taking the boy and his sister-in-law home so I wouldn’t have to wait for the bus. Female taxi drivers, especially who speak Spanish, are rare in my experience, in fact, I’d never encountered one before.

It turned out his lady, about age 50, had come from Cuba 7 years before and learned to drive in order to drive a taxi. I asked her how she had gotten out of Cuba. She said she had met a Brazilian tourist who had agreed to marry her so she could leave. “You know,” she said, “Our life in Cuba was unbearable.” I said I knew, because I had visited there. After she got to Brazil, her new husband facilitated her departure for the US while he stayed behind in Brazil. “He had seen how we were living in Cuba and he did me a big favor. He never even charged me anything.” I didn’t find out how she had met the Brazilian tourist (was she working in a hotel?) and how she had actually gotten to the US, as by then, we had reached the metro station where I got off.

Peace Corps Writers
Review: RPCV Barbara Joe’s Triumph & Hope

Posted by John Coyne on Tuesday, May 19th 2009

Triumph & Hope is reviewed by Bob Arias. Bob has had a long history with the Peace Corps, first as a PCV 1964-66, then at the Puerto Rico Training Center 1966-68; as an APCD in Colombia 1966-68; then Special Assistant to the Director, ACTION 1976-77, CD in Argentina-Uruguay, 1993-95, and finally as a consultant to the Peace Corps Safety and Security Office 2002-03.

Triumph & Hope: Golden Years With The Peace Corps in Honduras
by Barbara E. Joe (Honduras 2000–03)
BookSurge, available on amazon.com
December 2008
316 pages
$18.99

Reviewed by Bob Arias (Colombia 1964–66)

There’s more than triumph and hope going on here, this is a complete “journal” of life as a Peace Corps Volunteer in the Central American country of Honduras! Barbara believes she is telling you the story of her success and failures as a senior citizen in this lush banana country, when in reality she is describing what most volunteers go through as they begin their first months “in-country,” and try to make it through the first year. Barbara stays three years. Surprisingly, as a child in 1941 she had gone to Honduras with her family and the memories stayed with her!

Barbara Joe is an extremely gifted writer who paints the environment and people around her with colorful rainbow shades — you feel as if you are in the room with her, or working with the children that come to see the lady from el Cuerpo de Paz. I found it very difficult to put down Triumph & Hope, it drew me to the communities, her “vida social” and the changes that were going on in her new life in Honduras. I began to see something very special and unique in the book . . . something about Barbara and how important everyday life is . . . and how the loss of her son and foster son play in her new home in a different part of the world — we become very proud of her.

Barbara Joe may be over sixty, but she has the spirit and curiosity of any new Peace Corps Volunteer regardless of her age . . . with that fire in her belly to make a difference in the lives of those around her in beautiful Honduras, nothing stops her from trying. Some Volunteers spend their tour counting the days until they get to go home, while others really get involved in their communities, and like Barbara these are the Volunteers who adopt or are adopted by their new country, to become their “patria chica” or adopted homeland. Volunteers will often refer to their country of service as their new adopted homeland, and find something in themselves that they did not know existed…the special feeling that causes them to love and respect their new community.

As Barbara says, “I now feel part Honduran!”
The delightful use of black and white photos to walk you through the communities of El Triunfo y La Esperanza are excellent, I found them useful as a reference and personal collection of her new family. If you have ever attempted to keep a log during your travels, you know how difficult this becomes. Barbara seems to have found a way to use the photos as a means to keep events organized! And keeping them in black and white makes them more personal as we read her journal. I worry that some younger Volunteers may have never seen a black and white!

So where do I sign up? I feel that Triumph & Hope by Barbara Joe is the best that I have read about our Peace Corps experience, but with a different twist, this is a “how-to” book for anyone thinking about becoming a Volunteer or Peace Corps staff member.

So much is put into Peace Corps trainee and staff training, but so little is given to the new recruits to read of what someone else has experienced. Though Barbara Joe’s experience took place in Central America, a Volunteer in Africa or Asia will see the same events played out. The cultures and languages may be different, but the message is the same, or as Barbara said, “I now feel part Honduran!”

This book should be made mandatory reading for all new Peace Corps volunteers and especially new Staff including any future Director. Former Volunteers and Staff will find the photos and stories a clear picture of events as we tell our war stores with family and friends. Barbara brings it home for all of us! At the beginning of Peace Corps, Volunteers were given “book-lockers” that had an excellent collection of books and reading material to see them through the two years as a Volunteer — I would have added Barbara Joe’s book to the reading material if they were still being provided. Thanks, Barbara!

Update

More than five years after I visited her, I just heard from the woman called Honey in my book that she finally had some children come into care out at her remote ranch, three girls and two boys. But the boys were too disprutive and had to be sent back.

My book, Triumph & Hope, was just named a 2009 national Indie Awards finalist for new non-fiction.